Music Director Nicholas McGegan on the Road

While summer may be the off-season for Philharmonia Baroque Orchestra, for Music Director Nicholas McGegan it is just as busy as every other time of year.

In early May, Nic appears with the Nashville Symphony Orchestra to perform Mendelssohn’s Elijah. Appearing with him are Yulia Van Doren and Thomas Cooley, who will also appear with Philharmonia this coming December in William Boyce’s Solomon. “Music doesn’t get any more fun than this!” says McGegan as he looks forward to working with these talented performers.

In August, Nic visits Hungary to conducts four Haydn symphonies. “I first visited Eszterháza, the Hungarian summer palace of the Eszterházy family, in 1982 on the occasion of the three hundredth birthday of Joseph Haydn,” says Nic. “Since then I’ve been back many times performing in the magnificent music room which has recently been restored to its former glory. The last time I was there the present prince, Antál, was in the front row. It is always most humbling for me to think that those walls first heard that music over two hundred years ago when Haydn himself conducted.”

Only a few days later, Nic leads the Los Angeles Philharmonic at the Hollywood Bowl. “One thing I never get used to is the sheer size of the audience – sometimes as many as 15,000 people. Almost as many as go to an entire season of Philharmonia are there on one night!” On the program this year are works by Mozart and Beethoven, including the latter’s First Symphony.

Two other highlights of the summer are Nic’s visits to the Aspen Music Festival and the Music Academy of the West in Santa Barbara. “In both cases,” he says, “I get to work with wonderful students from around the world. Their energy and enthusiasm is a terrific tonic.”

For more news from Nicholas McGegan, please visit his website.

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Behind the Curtain with David v.R. Bowles

We are excited to announce the release of our new recording, Beethoven: Symphonies Nos. 4 & 7 (purchase your copy here). As with previous releases from Philharmonia Baroque Productions, audio engineer David v.R. Bowles lent his considerable expertise for this recording. David tells how he came to work with Philharmonia and explains the process behind what he does.

My association with Philharmonia goes back to May 1988, when I joined the orchestra performing at festivals in Los Angeles and Ojai. I played cello with the orchestra for six seasons before making the transition to audio engineering, a field that interested me since childhood. In 1996 I produced my first studio recording with Philharmonia Baroque Orchestra (Vivaldi for Diverse Instruments). In the next two years I produced two more studio recordings with Philharmonia Baroque for BMG Classics (Rameau – Suites from Platée and Dardanus; Arne – Alfred). In 2001 I started recording the concerts in Berkeley.

Studio recordings are done with many takes in order to get a result approaching perfection – with four to six three-hour sessions for each finished recording. However, in today’s economy most orchestras record live performances, which are then edited together. The results sound spontaneous, but can have more than their share of rough edges or extraneous noises.

One Philharmonia Baroque recording (Scarlatti – Cecilian Vespers) was also released on Avie as a hybrid SACD in 2005 (containing stereo and surround-sound versions on the same disc). That recording was the first that utilized a “patch session,” a common practice in commercial live recordings.

With Philharmonia’s recordings, only the two Berkeley performances can be used, as the other venues are too different acoustically and physically (for instance, the size of the stage areas vary considerably). Difficult passages might not go well in spite of everyone’s best efforts, or the performers are nervous. There are always extraneous noises: two bus lines on Durant and Dana streets, audience members coughing, dropping program books, or those forbidden phones going off during soft passages…

The main advantage of a patch session is that it is a safety net for everyone: knowing that there will be one more chance to cover difficult passages, starting and ending movements with absolute silence, trying out daring musical ideas which might not work in the performance. This dissipates a lot of tension!

I’ve been asked why I use many microphones, particularly during concerts where a piece will be recorded for later release. Part of this is to compensate for acoustic shortcomings, as this church is not designed for live music. There are no reflectors above or to the sides of the orchestra, therefore the sound diffuses randomly, rather than projecting outwards. To compensate for this, I use support microphones on the outer edges and to the rear of the ensemble. Soloist microphones help to balance them favorably in relation to others who have larger voices. Microphones on the chorus help in clarity of diction even when the orchestra is playing loudly. Even a small amount of these spot microphones helps create a convincing “image” through the loudspeakers.

It has been a pleasure working with Philharmonia Baroque Orchestra over the years, watching (and hearing) the orchestra progress from a talented local group to an internationally renowned ensemble that serves as a role model to other organizations. I’m happy to have played a part in making the Philharmonia Baroque Productions recordings critically successful; starting with enthralling performances has made my task a lot easier!

- David v.R. Bowles

David v.R. Bowles is a GRAMMY-nominated Classical recording producer and engineer. His recordings have been named “Record of the Month” by Gramophone Magazine and Opera News, and ”Record of the Year” by The New York Times, The New Yorker, Miami Clasica and Classical Candour. To learn more about David Bowles, his recording company, Swineshead Productions, LLC, and his work, please visit www.swineshead.com.

 

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Cognoscenti Luncheon Offers New Season Preview

On April 24, Philharmonia supporters gathered at the St. Regis Hotel in San Francisco for the annual Friends of Philharmonia Cognoscenti Luncheon. While guests enjoyed an elegant lunch, cellist Tanya Tomkins performed J.S. Bach’s Suite for Unaccompanied Cello No. 1 in G major.

Pam and John Sebastian

The highlight of the afternoon was an exclusive preview of Philharmonia’s 2013-2014 season from Music Director Nicholas McGegan. “For this trip, you don’t have to take off your shoes, take off your belt or fly over an ocean,” he joked of Philharmonia’s new season, a musical tour of European capitals including London, Venice, Saint Petersburg, and Vienna.

Maestro McGegan offered insights and anecdotes about each of Philharmonia’s 2013-2014 programs. In October, Philharmonia will be joined by countertenor David Daniels and soprano Carolyn Sampson, who will make her debut with the orchestra during a subscription-series concert, to perform Pergolesi’s Stabat Mater. “He wrote it as he was dying – it’s possible he never even heard it performed,” said McGegan of the piece, not coincidentally Pergolesi’s most lyrical and melancholic (the composer was felled by tuberculosis at the age of 26).

The luncheon took place at the St. Regis

In November, Philharmonia will be joined by guest conductor Steven Fox of the New York Clarion Society, who will lead the orchestra in a program of works by early Russian composers. This includes Maksym Berezovsky’s Symphony in C Major, believed to be the first Russian symphony, lost until Fox discovered it in the Vatican archives only a few years ago. “It’s always nice to find new, or shall I say old, new repertoire,” said Nic. The Saint Petersburg concert includes many composers and compositions which have never been heard before in the Bay Area.

Cellist Tanya Tomkins performs

The December concert features William Boyce’s Solomon, a gorgeous (and rarely-performed) pastoral work which Nic looks forward to leading. Joining Philharmonia will be audience favorite Thomas Cooley and soprano Yulia Van Doren.

Guests were particularly looking forward to Nic’s description of the February concert, which features harpsichordist Robert Levin performing C.P.E Bach’s Concerto for Fortepiano and Harpsichord alongside his spouse, the pianist Ya-Fei Chuang. “It’s very, very strange music, but lots of fun,” Nic said. “The harpsichord and fortepiano have a tennis game with the orchestra as the net.”

Of the March concert, McGegan explained that Philharmonia would be performing works by Central European composers including Johann Georg Benda, a member of the prodigious Benda musical family. “The Benda family are like the Bachs, there’s an awful lot of them and they all have terribly similar names,” McGegan said, adding that the family is still active in music more than three centuries later.

Nic’s talk concluded with a rousing description of Vivaldi’s oratorio Juditha Triumphans, which will reunite Philharmonia with many favorite guest artists: Dominique Labelle, Vivica Genaux, and Diana Moore, among them. The oratorio relates the Biblical story of the widow Judith, who takes it upon herself to defend her city from foreign invasion with what can only be described as daring tactics.

Many thanks to Philharmonia’s Official Hotel Sponsor, the St. Regis San Francisco, and Philharmonia’s Official Wine Sponsor, Boisset Family Estates.

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Philharmonia Announces Time Travel Through Music

This summer, Philharmonia will release a 35-minute documentary, entitled Time Travel Through Music, introducing viewers to Baroque music and period instrument performance. This documentary is a wonderful opportunity for new audience members to learn more about the inner workings of an accomplished orchestra. It will be made available to schools and educators free of charge, as well as to anyone who would like to learn more about Philharmonia. Please check out the trailer below!

 

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Philharmonia Announces 2013-2014 Season

Music Director Nicholas McGegan and Philharmonia Baroque Orchestra announce the ensemble’s 33rd season, dedicated to a musical voyage through 17th and 18th century Europe with stops in Vienna, London, Venice, and Saint Petersburg, among other cities.

For information about upcoming concerts, please click here.

For our full press release announcing the new season, please click here.

For information about subscribing, please click here.

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Nic’s Picks for April, 2013

The best book on the subject of Teseo is Handel’s Operas 1704-1726 by Winton Dean and Merrill Knapp published by OUP. There is a comprehensive chapter on Teseo (p. 234-59). The Cambridge Companion to Handel has an excellent section, also by Winton Dean, on producing Handel operas. Donald Burrows’s biography (Schirmer Books) is in my view the most comprehensive.

The American premiere of Teseo in 1985 at the Boston Early Music Festival.

There are two CD recordings on the market: Marc Minkowski’s from 1992 and Konrad Junghänel’s from 2009. There is also a DVD from the Halle Handel Festival but the production might take some getting used to!

There is an excellent recording of Lully’s Thesée, upon which the Handel is based, by the Boston Early Music Festival.

Costume design by Nicholas Bocquet for Lully’s Thesée, on which Teseo is based.

There are several paintings depicting scenes associated with the story of the opera. There are two by Poussin (1594-1665) and L. de la Hire (1606-56) which show Theseus finding his father’s sword.

An engraving from 1769 by J. C. J. Friedrich in which Theseus offers the poisoned chalice.

Of the climactic event of the attempted poisoning of Aegeus (Egeo), there is an engraving from 1769 by J. C. J. Friedrich (1746-1813). There is a costume design by Nicholas Bocquet for Lully’s Thesée showing him presenting the poisoned cup to his father. The singer playing the part is Pierre Jelyotte.

Another moment from Nic's Teseo in 1985.

As far as I know, the American première of Teseo was given in 1985 at the Boston early Music Festival. Judith Nelson sang Agilea, Drew Minter (singing Egeo in 2013) sang Arcane. Several PBO members performed in the orchestra. The opera was conducted and directed by myself.

– Music Director Nicholas McGegan

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The 2013 Family and Student Concerts

On March 15, Philharmonia presented the 2013 Student Concert at San Francisco’s Herbst Theatre; the annual Family Concert took place in Berkeley the following day on March 16.

Young musicians join in the Grand Finale.

The concerts shared a title, All-Stars of the Italian Baroque, and a common goal of sharing the excitement of Baroque music with young families and students. They also featured the same brilliant soloists and program: guest artist Rachel Podger, who led from the violin, and Philharmonia concertmasters Elizabeth Blumenstock, Carla Moore, and Katherine Kyme performing works by “all star” composers such as Pergolesi, Corelli, Locatelli, and Vivaldi.

Discovering the harpsichord with Hanneke van Proosdij.

During the Family Concert’s Grand Finale, audience members sang along and young musicians joined forces with the Orchestra in Dona Nobis Pacem, a three-part canon by Palestrina. The audience was invited to meet musicians and their see their instruments up close in a post-concert Show & Tell.

Rachel Podger meets a young concert-goer.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

All photographs courtesy of Frank Wing.

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In Conversation with Carla Moore

Carla Moore serves as one of Philharmonia’s concertmasters and regular soloists. Described by The Strad as possessing “unerring musicality,” she also performs with American Bach Soloists and serves as concertmaster for Portland Baroque Orchestra. She plays with chamber music groups Music’s Re-creation, Voices of Music, and Archetti, of which she is a founder.

Q: Tell me a bit about your background and how you started playing music.

A: I grew up in a family that loved music. While my parents never played, my siblings and I all took lessons. My brother is an accomplished pianist and my sister took lessons on the cello. I grew up in Salt Lake City, Utah, and we always went to hear the Utah Symphony. In addition, we had a thriving music program in the schools and beginning in elementary school, I was involved with that.

Q: How did you become involved with Philharmonia Baroque? When was your first concert with us?

A: I was living in New York City, having recently gotten a graduate degree from the Early Music Institute at Indiana University. I wasn’t too interested in staying in New York for the long run, and I was trying to decide where to move. At that time, early music was big in Boston, New York or San Francisco. The choice was easy for me! I auditioned for Nic when he was in New York and was then hired for a partial season in 1991, which is when my husband and I moved out to the Bay Area.

Q. What makes Philharmonia Baroque unique, in your experience?

A: Philharmonia has offered steady employment and long-term stability for its members for over 30 years. I can count on one hand the number of period instrument orchestras in the United States that can claim that. This is truly a wonderful feat, and attests to not only our wonderful concerts, but to the community support that we receive.

Q. What do you feel to be the Orchestra’s greatest asset and greatest challenge?

A: Philharmonia’s greatest asset is its incredible musicians and talent within the orchestra. The challenge is to increase our audience and become a Bay Area household name. Our concerts are dynamic and intimate events, and I wish everyone who enjoys classical music could experience one of our concerts.

Q. What are your passions outside of music?

A: I am a regular swimmer and enjoy gardening, although because of the toll gardening takes on ones’ hands, I can’t do it as much as I would like to. What I really like to do when I take time off is go hiking and camping. I grew up loving the desert of Southern Utah, but now that the Sierra is so close, I’m learning to love the mountains as well!

 

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Winton Dean on Teseo

Winton Dean is an English musicologist, most famous for his research into the life and works of George Frideric Handel, and his 1959 volume, Handel’s Dramatic Oratorios and Masques. These program notes were originally used at the 1985 Teseo at the Boston Early Music Festival, with whose kind permission they are reproduced here and in Philharmonia’s April program book.

TESEO was Handel’s third London opera. After the sensational success of Rinaldo (February 1711) , with its emphasis on magic and spectacular scenery and machines, and the failure of the slight pastoral Il Pastor Fido, (November 1712), Handel’s adoption of the former pattern for Teseo and its successor Amadigi was predictable. He probably composed the opera at Burlington House, and finished it on 19 December 1712. The first performance took place at the Queen’s Theatre in the Haymarket on 10 January 1713 with the castratos Pellegrini (soprano) and Valentino Urbani (alto) as Teseo and Egeo, the sopranos Elisabetta Pilotti-Schiavonetti (Medea), Margherita de l’Épine (Agilea) and her sister Maria Gallia (Clizia), and the contralto Jane Barbier, who fancied herself en travesti, as Arcane. Richard Leveridge probably sang the small bass role of the Priest of Minerva. The star of this cast was Pilotti-Schiavonetti, for whom Handel also wrote the brilliant parts of the sorceresses Armida in Rinaldo and Melissa in Amadigi.

Owen Swiney, the manager of the theater, furnished the opera with new costumes and sets, “richer than ye former with 4 New Scenes, & other Decorations & Machines,” but failed in an attempt to raise advance funds by organizing a subscription for six performances. The result is tersely described in the Colman Diary: after two nights, at which the house was very full, “Mr Swiney Brakes & runs away & leaves ye Singers unpaid ye Scenes & Habits also unpaid for. The Singers were in Some confusion but at last concluded to go on with ye operas on their own accounts, & divide ye Gain amongst them.” (Swiney fled to the continent, where in the 1720s he advised the Royal Academy on the engagement of Italian singers; he subsequently returned to England and assumed the name MacSwiney.) The fourth performance, and probably others, were given with maimed rites, for which the management, with J.J. Heidegger now in charge, had to make a public apology. One performance was put off because too few tickets were sold, and the next drew a thin house. The thirteenth and last, on 16 May, was Handel’s benefit and brought him £73.10.11. For this occasion he composed “several New Songs, and particularly an Entertainment for the Harpsichord.” He never revived the opera, and it has not been heard in Britain since. Until this Boston production the only two revivals have been in Germany, at Göttingen in 1947 and Bad Lauchsstädt near Halle in 1977 (repeated in subsequent seasons).

Teseo does not deserve this neglect, despite certain crudities in the dramatic design. These have their origin in Nicola Haym’s libretto, an adaptation and in part a translation of Philippe Quinault’s Thésée, set by Lully in 1675: hence the five-act plan (unique in Handel), the parallel treatment of the secondary lovers, and the casual and spasmodic use of the exit convention, the springboard of opera seria. In transposing the plot from one medium to another of very different cut, Haym had to remove the important choral and dance scenes that formed the backbone of all French tragédies lyriques (though Handel had originally planned a ballet before Medea’s final entrance) and shift the weight to the arias. In Quinault the solo airs are incidents in a graded dramatic scheme usually culminating in a divertissement; in opera seria the airs must bring to a head and discharge the emotion generated in the previous recitative. Haym’s solution of this problem was fitful. Sometimes, as in Medea’s scene at the end of Act II, he found what he wanted in Quinault; elsewhere, with Agilea’s concluding aria in Act I, Medea’s in Act III, and the love duet in Act IV, he successfully substituted one type of climax for another. But many intermediate scenes are awkwardly contrived. Five times the same character sings two arias in succession, and Haym gives all ten a da capo. Only in Medea’s cavatina and aria at the start of Act II, and less explicitly in Teseo’s in Act IV, does Handel set up a structural relationship, dramatic or tonal, between the pairs. Another oddity is his failure to exploit the battle that rages offstage during Act I; the heading states that the curtain rises on a battle piece. This was the context for some of the most memorable effects in Handel’s late operas, yet the last movement of the Teseo overture is anything but warlike, and the opera begins tamely in recitative. The explanation almost certainly is that Handel, too pressed for time to supply a fresh overture, appropriated a concerto composed for the French-trained orchestra in Hanover, as the French names for the instruments in the older scores suggest.

As in Rinaldo, Handel’s over-all control of the drama is still unsure; with greater experience he would have exercised a firmer grip on Haym. That is precisely what he did in the Royal Academy operas. But if Teseo is immature in its timing, the quality of the music is not in question. There are far fewer self-borrowings than in previous operas, and the scoring is wonderfully rich, with the violins sometimes divided into three groups to give a five-part texture, and with recorders, transverse flutes, oboes, bassoons, trumpets and violas all operating in pairs. The first oboe part, written for John Ernest Galliard, is particularly brilliant. There is less pitch contrast in the voices, which apart from the Priest’s recitative are all sopranos and altos; paradoxically this only becomes oppressive when one or more of the male parts is transposed down an octave, destroying Handel’s carefully calculated texture and balance.

One of the glories of Teseo is the characterization of the two leading women. Like all Handel’s sorceresses, Medea dominates the opera from her first appearance, where Quinault’s happy idea of showing her first in repose – though a repose without tranquility and aching with nostalgia for a lost happiness – was a gift to Handel. Every one of her solos is magnificent; they depict the progressive deterioration of her character as much through accompanied recitative and the very flexible treatment of aria form – a typical Handelian procedure – as through sheer invention. There are anticipations of Alcina and Orlando, whose famous mad scene borrows a phrase associated with Medea, and (as also in Orlando) the furies in Gluck’s Orfeo. Agilea, gentle but never mawkish, is a worthy foil. Her three arias in Act I, all laid out for oboe and strings, reveal different aspects of her love for Teseo, and so do her three superb slow arias in Acts III and IV: “Vieni torna” with its sumptuous bassoons and graded dynamics and phrase-lengths, the most perfect love song Handel had yet written; “Deh! v’aprite” with violins (muted in the earliest source) doubled by flutes over long pedals, addressed to the sleeping lover she scarcely dares awaken (it is a lullaby rather than an aubade); and the unfathomable sadness of “Amarti sì vorrei” when Medea has blackmailed her into the bitter decision to reject Teseo in order to save his life. In the psychological profundity of Medea’s and Agilea’s music Handel is already the great dramatist.

The men are less strongly characterized. This is typical of Handel’s early operas, as if he had some difficulty in adjusting to the castrato convention, which would not be surprising in a German-trained composer. Teseo has some beautiful arias but is not so much a heroic figure, despite the choral build-up at his first entry, as a shuttlecock propelled to and fro by forces he cannot control. Egeo’s music is narrower in compass but more showy in coloratura. Arcane and Clizia, the only pair of secondary lovers in a Handel opera to enjoy two duets, are better endowed than the castratos. By writing for them on a more intimate scale, Handel not only keeps them in their place but gives the whole opera an extra dimension that throws the main plot into relief. He also uses them to establish a calm plateau between Medea’s volcanic eruptions. Teseo has a more varied pattern than many of Handel’s operas, with four duets, five accompanied recitatives and a substantial ensemble in Act II as well as the usual final coro, requiring tenor and bass parts. The Act II chorus of Athenians, which illustrates the flexibility of Baroque theatre practice when the set changes during a recitative to show in action what Arcane is describing to Egeo, is so effective that one wonders why Handel so seldom repeated the experiment.

Recent research has thrown fresh light on the text. Only fragments of the last two acts survive in autograph (there are also four sketches, one not used, jotted down on a blank page of the Rodrigo autograph). Chrysander in his edition used these (except for one leaf that had become detached), a complete copy in the British Library (RM 19 e 6) containing some emendations by Handel, and Arnold’s score of 1788, but was capricious in his treatment of all three sources. He did not include all Handel’s amendments to RM 19 e 6, and muddled the Minerva recitative at the end of the opera. As the autograph shows, Handel composed this for the goddess in the soprano clef but adapted it for a bass priest, with appropriate verbal changes, before performance.

The earliest and most important copy, in the collection of Gerald Coke, was written by the Haymarket Theatre copyist D. Linike and can be dated exactly to the latter part of December 1712, between the completion of the autograph and the despatch of the libretto to the printer, before the first performance. It contains a suppressed version of the aria “Più non cerca libertà,” a number of recitatives whose text was printed in the libretto in virgole (i.e. not performed), and two others for Medea’s confidante Fedra, a muta persona in every source but this, which are not in the libretto at all. Each of these passages has been cancelled or pasted over in the manuscript, and others torn out; none of the music survives elsewhere except the bracketed bars on page 99 of Chrysander’s edition, which are in the surviving pages of the autograph. Two likely reasons suggest themselves for these last-minute changes. Handel designed Fedra and Minerva for the same singer but dropped the plan when she became unavailable; and he cut the recitatives ruthlessly to shorten a long opera in an unsuccessful season. Unfortunately in doing so he obscured the plot and made some of the motivation almost incomprehensible; though the audience of course could read the essential passages in the printed libretto.

The Coke-Linike copy also gives exceptionally detailed specifications of scoring and dynamics in almost every number, with many slurs, trills and appoggiaturas, precise indications of soli and tutti and the distribution of the oboe parts, and additional tempo marks. This and other early copies written in whole or part by Linike give a tempo for every movement except the duet “Addio.” Their frequent instruction subito or segue subito at the start of movements offers a vital clue to performance practice of Handel’s operas in general. Arnold based his edition on the Coke copy, which bears his signature and the date 24 April 1787. Although Chrysander could not have known this (and Arnold made some careless mistakes), his contempt for Arnold and all his works led him to eject without ceremony countless important or significant details, and on occasion to alter Arnold where he is right and follow him where he is wrong. Chrysander’s score of Agrippina, one of three other operas printed by Arnold, affords a close parallel.

Another Linike copy, dated June 1717, contains unpublished alternative settings of “Deh! v’aprite” for alto in C Major (with six additional bars in the A section) and the duet “Cara, ti dono” for two altos in F major (with a recomposed and much shorter B section). In both pieces the scoring is simplified. It seems probable that at one of the later 1713 performances Handel adapted Agilea’s part for a contralto, a conjecture supported by an S2 copy of “Deh serbate” transposed down a tone to A minor. This is associated in the same manuscript (RM 19 c. 9) with an unpublished soprano aria in F minor, “La crudele lontananza,” a beautiful piece found in other early miscellanies not always identified with Teseo. In August 1724 Walsh published another soprano aria “No, non piangete” (not that beginning with the same words in Floriodante), but only a few isolated arias from Teseo in short score appeared in print during Handel’s life. Which, if any, of these were among those he added for his benefit night it is impossible to say.

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Hear Rachel Podger on KDFC

Guest leader Rachel Podger led Philharmonia Baroque’s musicians with an “infectiously cheerful spirit” in “the joy of making music” last night. (Read more from Stephen Smoliar’s review on Examiner.com.)

Hear an interview with Podger from Jeffery Freymann-Weyr on KDFC’s The State of the Arts.

This was the first concert in this series that features virtuosic concertos from the Italian baroque. Hear her in Berkeley tonight and tomorrow. Learn more.

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The Italian Violin: Program Notes

Program Notes by Michelle Dulak Thomson

For most of Western musical history before the end of the seventeenth century, music for stringed instruments was either a sideline or an incidental offshoot of vocal music. There were virtuoso string players, to be sure; but when they were not accompanying singers, they were playing in private, to very small audiences.

Sometime in the middle of the seventeenth century that dynamic began to change. Instrumental music started to become something the public craved in its own right, rather than as a brief introduction to a theatrical work or as accompaniment to a ballet. It took only a few decades for there to be an entirely changed musical culture, one in which instrumental virtuosity was almost as interesting as vocal virtuosity, and violinists could be nearly as famous as singers.

Playing and composing went together; the people who wrote music played it. So it happened that within an astonishingly short time, there were norms for writing concerti (a word that earlier in the seventeenth century connoted something quite different), and a burgeoning body of music disseminated throughout Europe. Amsterdam had rapidly become the go-to place for music engraving, and from there it was an easy step to anywhere else on the continent.

Arcangelo Corelli was at the forefront of the concerto wave; in fact, it’s fair to say that he sparked it personally. Born near Bologna and trained there, he migrated soon to Rome, where he fairly quickly became the most esteemed violinist in the city. Rome in the late seventeenth century had a flourishing and unusual artistic culture, centered around particular princes of the Church and also the exiled Queen Christina of Sweden, whose patronage drew together a substantial society of musicians, poets, and other artists.

Corelli was renowned as a player and a leader of performances, but his most profound influence was surely as a composer. The trio sonatas (four sets of twelve, published sequentially through the 1680s and 1690s) were imitated. The Op. 6 concerti grossi were more than imitated – they were a rough template for a whole new musical genre that was to last for some decades.

The Op. 6 concerti (not published until after their composer’s death, but surely decades older, as there are accounts of Corelli performing works like them in the 1680s) are amplified versions of the trio sonata style he had already perfected. The new element is that the trio of soloists is supplemented by a larger band, and the trio (the “concertino“) and the whole ensemble (the “concerto grosso“) alternate. The name for the whole ensemble became, in short order, the name for the nascent genre.

Part of the genius of the setup of these concerti is that, strictly speaking, all you need for a harmonically complete ensemble is the two solo violins and the continuo line. All else is musical extras: the dramatic shifts between solo and tutti (and in grand concerts the tutti band could be very large indeed), and even the viola part, which you could lose in a pinch. (Georg Muffat, who claimed to have gotten the idea from Corelli, went a step further and wrote concerti in which there were two independent viola parts, but in which you could leave out either or both.)

That situation didn’t last long. Once the idea of alternating solos and tutti had gotten about, composers positively went to town with it, and soon very little in a score was optional any more. In particular, once there was a distinction made between solo and ripieno (non-solo) parts, composers quickly thought of things to do with the ripienists in solo passages. In Corelli, the ripienists were either playing just what the soloists did, or sitting out. In later concerti, they were kept increasingly busy.

 

Giovanni Mossi is thought to have been a student of Corelli, and certainly had patrons in the same Roman artistic circle that Corelli frequented, but not much else is known of him beyond the music itself. The concerto here one-ups Corelli both in having four violin soloists instead of two, and in having separate ripieno (non-solo) parts to go with them – that is, it’s no longer a case of the accompanying players going silent so as to get the alternating effect, but the ripieno still playing along with the soloists, except with different parts, just as Handel – and any number of Handel-followers through the eighteenth century – would do later. It’s a texture much more complex than its immediate model, and one to marvel at. The slow third movement, in particular, is uncommonly rich.

The Locatelli concerto here is likewise “Corelli and then some.” Pietro Locatelli was born in Bergamo. By the time he wrote his Op. 4, he had been more or less all over Western Europe and ultimately had been established for some years in Amsterdam. His then most recently published collection, Op. 3, L’Arte del Violino, had been (and still is) a hair-raising, comprehensive tour of things you really do not want to have to do in front of your violin teacher. Op. 4 is not anything so unified. Half of it isn’t in fact concerti at all, but what Locatelli called Introduttioni teatrale, or, in other words, overtures – brilliant little three-part pieces for small ensemble. The other half is concerti, and they aren’t in the Locatelli Op. 3 vein, as indeed practically nothing in the eighteenth century is. Only a handful of Vivaldi concerti (most of which didn’t make it into print until the twentieth century) are in that technical league.

The last piece in Op. 4 is the only one for four violins. So something had to be done about getting all those parts into the part-books. They managed it, of course; Dutch engravers were clever about such things. If you’re playing third solo violin, you’re playing off the first ripieno violin part. If fourth solo violin, you’re playing off the second ripieno violin part. They’re on facing pages.

The piece itself is great fun, with the four soloists echoing and mirroring and generally chasing one another all over the map.

In the interim, the three-movement fast-slow-fast idea of the concerto had become a second familiar pattern alongside the concerto grosso setup of many shorter movements. The Venetian Antonio Vivaldi did more than anyone else here to further this – indeed, more than one could know from his publications alone, as the majority of his music didn’t reach print until long after his death.

That’s not the case for either of the concerti here, which come from publications well within Vivaldi’s lifetime. L’Estro armonico (which is the sort of unfortunate title whose exact meaning no one really knows; “Harmonic Outpouring” is the best guess) might well be the most immediately influential musical publication of the first half of the eighteenth century, with Corelli’s Op. 6 its only real rival. By the time the Corelli was published, its style was conservative, though it was the basis for an English concerto grosso tradition that lasted for decades more; when the Vivaldi was published, which was three years before the Corelli, it was near-revolutionary. The Venetian style was the new style; the Roman style was the old one.

Vivaldi took considerable care over his first publication of concerti. His grouping of four sets of three, each for four violins, then two, then one, is a pretty conceit that doesn’t seem to have occurred to anyone else. Also, there is an attention to dynamic markings that wasn’t then common. In the piece here, Op. 3/5, there are details like the long section in which the first of the two solo violins is marked “forte” and the whole rest of the ensemble “pianissimo.” The slow movement is for the first soloist alone, with a delicate underpinning of violins and violas. And the finale’s ritornello is basically a violinist’s in-joke, with the sections trading off open E’s. The solo sections, with their sometimes congenial, sometimes adversarial banter, are fun, but the ritornelli are even better.

La Cetra (“The Lyre”), another set of concerti published sixteen years later, is much less obviously designed to impress. The second concerto in the set is striking nonetheless, with a first-movement ritornello in stern unison whose harmonic twist in the tail is echoed in the last movement.

Giovanni Battista Pergolesi is the odd man out in this program. He was reputedly a fine violinist, but all the same he is the only composer among this group who wasn’t really interested in writing instrumental music. In his very short lifetime (he died at 26), Pergolesi managed to produce an incredible quantity of mostly vocal music – and posthumously, an even larger amount of music he didn’t write, as his name became, belatedly, profitable.

The B-flat major Violin Concerto would appear to be one of the very few instrumental works attributed to Pergolesi that he evidently did write. It’s a sprightly thing, with a bit of the Neapolitan melodic manner in the first movement and a decided spring in its step in the last. If he in fact wrote it for himself, he really could play, because the difficulties are significant.

Michelle Dulak Thomson is a former editor of, and continuing contributor to, the online classical music journal San Francisco Classical Voice (www.sfcv.org). Her work has also been published in the magazines Strings and Early Music America, as well as The New York Times.

 

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Ready for Rachel

This interview originally appeared in All Things Strings in 2005. To purchase tickets to Podger’s upcoming concert with Philharmonia Baroque, please click here.

Rachel Podger Finds Second Calling in Early Music

by James Reel

If English violinist Rachel Podger turned heads in 1999 with her debut solo recording of the Bach Sonatas and Partitas for Solo Violin, she induced whiplash with her exhilarating 2004 Channel Classics recording of Vivaldi’s La Stravaganza. Critics seemed stunned by Podger’s ability to make the music sound so fresh, vital, and new. 

But this wasn’t much of a surprise to people who have been following Podger’s career since the early 1990s. That’s when, fresh out of England’s Guildhall School of Music and Drama, Podger began recording and touring as a member of the Palladian Ensemble, a somewhat folksy-sounding early-music group. Before long, harpsichordist Trevor Pinnock heard her in concert.

“I thought, wow, this is pretty good stuff,” Pinnock recalls. He invited Podger to read through some music with him, and after a few sessions was sufficiently impressed to bring her into the English Concert, where she was concertmaster from 1997 to 2002.

“I didn’t have any orchestral training in Baroque violin,” Podger admits. “I just learned doing it, spending many years playing second violin to Pavlo Beznosiuk. I was very green.”

“She’s a stunning musician,” counters Pinnock. “She has a wonderful fluency in the way that she plays the instrument. It’s a very natural approach, which is so lovely because her being and her music seem so well connected. But this natural approach is underpinned by a tremendous sense of the structure and architecture of the music. I think it’s that sense of structure which gives her the amount of freedom that she has.”

She’s no musical anarchist, then, just someone who finds liberty within the natural laws of her universe.

In school, though, Podger had to enter that universe surreptitiously. She’d come up, like everyone else, on the modern violin, playing the standard mix of classical pieces. But she’d developed an interest in Baroque music as a child. Her family played Baroque music at home, and from ages eight to 19 she studied in Kassel, Germany (her mother is from Hamburg), and had ready access to Germany’s 18th-century musical heritage. She sang Bach cantatas in a church choir, and she remembers clearly that in 1978 her mother brought home a John Eliot Gardiner recording of a Bach cantata that gave young Rachel a start. “I said, ‘Why do they sound so different, so bare?’” she recalls. She was instantly fascinated by the sound of period instruments.

She played the usual range of violin music as a teenager, but by the time she turned 16 she was already interested in making a special study of Baroque music. She couldn’t find a teacher, though. Then, at 19, she enrolled at the Guildhall School to study with Pauline Scott and David Takeno. “I was dying to get my hands on a Baroque violin, but they wouldn’t let me,” she says. “It was treated as a secondary instrument. The first year they wanted you to get your technique under your belt on the modern instrument. I didn’t agree with that at all. I very, very slyly had a few lessons on the side with Michaela Comberti.

“But there was a stigma attached to the Baroque violin then—this was around 1988. You only picked it up if you weren’t so good on the modern violin. I was so embarrassed, I carried one case for each violin and I would hide one behind my back because I was self-conscious about playing Baroque violin.”

The embarrassment ended when she won a school competition as the only violinist playing Bach on a Baroque instrument. In 1990 she and three school friends formed the Palladian Ensemble; before long they won an international prize and got a recording contract with the Linn label.

“Around 1992 or 1993, I was getting very deep into it, getting busier and busier playing repertoire on the Baroque instrument,” she says. “I was still very much into the modern instrument, but that fizzled out because I was doing so much with the Baroque violin. I’ve always kept the door open for later repertoire, but at the moment I don’t even have a modern instrument.”

Actually, Podger is relieved not to have to switch back and forth between instruments. “It’s difficult to be good at both, because the muscle memory is so different,” she says. “You have to use different muscles, and now I get very fatigued playing a modern instrument. Sustaining through-phrases I always found difficult on a modern instrument. But my instinct has always told me to phrase classically, even in Brahms, so Baroque music comes very naturally to me. “I am where I belong.”

Podger’s first solo recording, of the Bach Sonatas and Partitas, was a rather cheeky project for a young, not especially well-known violinist. “But it wasn’t my idea initially,” Podger protests. Ted Diehl of Channel Classics suggested it, she says. “I said to him, ‘You must be joking!’ I was scared, because the Polish teacher I had in my teens wouldn’t let me play Bach. I was dying to play one of the concertos, but he said, ‘You can’t do it until you’re 40. You must be very mature. There’s no way you can approach it earlier.’”

Obviously, Podger overcame that trauma and made an especially successful recording of the Bach solo works. Later she teamed with Pinnock to record Bach’s sonatas with harpsichord, as well as Rameau’s Pièces de clavecin en concerts.

“She’s a wonderful musical partner, strong-willed but very flexible,” says Pinnock. “She prepares everything meticulously, but that doesn’t mean she’s written down in immovable type exactly what has to be done. She’s always responsive to the music, so her music making is a constant, ongoing dialog between her and the music and her partners. That gives her the freedom to introduce improvisatory elements.”

Says Podger, who is now guest director of the Orchestra of the Age of Enlightenment, “I’m quite an instinctive player. If I suddenly have an idea that rings true, something that seems right in the context of what we’re creating, then I’ll go with it, but I also must be open to the possibility that it might not work. You must have that modesty; not every idea can be great. You find what you can in the score and in yourself in preparation, but when you make music with live people, it’s not just a reproduction of what’s on the page. You never know what’s going to happen. In the rehearsal, it could go any number of ways. We rehearse, we comment on what we’re doing, and we throw ideas about.

“No matter how I plan it, in the end it’s completely different.”

Podger also is a professor of Baroque violin at her alma mater, the Guildhall School. Rather than angrily vowing not to make her students feel as embarrassed about their instrument as she did, Podger is focusing on her more positive experiences at Guildhall. Her lessons with David Takeno particularly inspired her teaching technique. “He would ask me questions rather than tell me what to do,” she says. “That made me think and, guiding me into a certain way of thinking, provoked a different attitude. That was so impressive.

“And Michaela Comberti, who has passed away, showed me what Baroque bow technique is. She taught me the importance of flexibility of the fingers and how to produce a good sound.”

Now Podger is passing that information along to undergraduates as well as graduate students. Even so, she’s developed some sympathy for the professors who insisted that she wait before taking up the Baroque violin.

“You must have a solid technique first,” she insists. “Everyone comes first from the modern violin and has played Baroque music with that technique, so there’s some undoing to be done. But that’s much easier if the technique is solid. If not, you’ve got much more groundwork to do. Of course, in Geminiani’s time they didn’t play Tchaikovsky first, so I don’t think there should be a fixed point at which you may be allowed to start. It has to do with aptitude.

“If they have a big ability with the music, you can’t hold them back. That’s cruel.”

Podger’s schedule looks rather cruel during the first half of 2005. Not only is she maintaining her teaching schedule, but she is performing all over Europe and in select American venues. In January, her schedule called for a British tour playing double concertos by Vivaldi and Bach with the Academy of Ancient Music, and a visit to Santa Fe to play Bach sonatas with fortepianist Gary Cooper. In March she directs and solos with the group Musica Angelica in Los Angeles. Then some solo Bach, and in April she records a batch of concertos (Leclair, Handel, Pisendel, Vivaldi) with the Polish ensemble Arte dei Suonatori.

Somewhere along the line, she and Cooper will continue recording the sonatas of Mozart; the first volume in that series was released at the end of 2004.

“Mozart is a completely different style from Bach,” she says. “The writing is fairly simple in terms of decoration and expression, but it needs a completely different way of thinking. It’s more linear, in a way. Bach’s violin line needs to be very integrated into what is happening with the harmony. Mozart is more melody-based, and needs so much character to come off.

“I’m still learning that.”

Podger feels lucky to have grown up listening to historically informed performances of Baroque music on gut strings. While she admires the pioneering efforts of string players in the 1960s and ’70s, she notes that they were often contending with inadequate instruments and unreliable bows and strings. They were also still grappling with unfamiliar elements of Baroque style.

“Those older recordings can be beautiful,” she says, “but they can also sound dry and overdone in their phrasing, and the tempi and everything is extreme. People were taking everything literally and were taking some ideas out of context, not seeing the whole picture. Today, I’m seeing undergraduate string players who already know much more about this form of performance practice, and it doesn’t seem like such a big deal anymore.”

Says Pinnock, “The thing that makes her so modern, in a right sense, is she’s assimilated the music so strongly that the historical approach has become an absolutely natural part of her music making. She breathes the music.

“I find it difficult not to talk about Rachel in a string of superlatives,” he adds. “That’s quite intentional. I think her music says more about her than I ever could.”

 

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Brahms’ Serenades: New York Times Best

For the second year in a row, new releases on the Philharmonia Baroque Productions label have been selections on the New York Times annual listing of the Best Classical CDs.  The honor this year goes to our recent release of Brahms two serenades.  Review James Oestreich proclaims that Philharmonia Baroque’s recording of serenades “ranks among the finest recorded performances of these underrated works.”  Read more and purchase your own copy today.

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Bruce Lamott on KRBC 12/7 at 12:30

Bruce Lamott, director of the Philharmonia Chorale, will be interviewed today, December 7, at 12:30 pm on KRCB radio about Philharmonia Baroque’s performances of Handel’s Messiah on Saturday, December 8, at Zellerbach Hall in Berkeley and Sunday, December 9, at the Green Music Center in Rohnert Park.  Listen live at http://krcb.org/.

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A Tale of Two Fortepianos

A beautiful 6-octave Fritz fortepiano c. 1805-10 was prepared for last week’s performances of Beethoven’s Piano Concerto No. 4 with Emanuel Ax at the keyboard.   It was an instrument built by a Viennese maker at the time the concerto was written  The Fritz sounded marvelous in rehearsals, with a bright shimmer and three distinct timbres throughout its range.

As occasionally happens with period instruments, this fortepiano had some technical issues during the first concert of the series at the Mondavi Center in Davis. A hammer came loose from its hammershank during rehearsal, and in performance during the middle of the slow movement  two hammers came out of their capsules; fortunately Mr. Ax was able to improvise his way through the rest of the piece without these two keys.

What to do? Fortunately, Belle Bulwinkle, the owner who generously lent the instrument, had another period instrument available, a 6 1/2-octave Schott built in 1840. Piano Technician Janine Johnson worked all day to lower the pitch of the instrument in time for that evening’s concert in Atherton, interspersed with practice time for the soloist to acquaint himself with the new instrument. The Schott had a more full-bodied sound and a larger dynamic range of which Mr. Ax took complete advantage; one imagines Beethoven, with his quest for bigger and louder instruments as his deafness progressed, would have been pleased.

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Beethoven’s 4th Program Notes

Ludwig van Beethoven was born in Bonn, then an independent electorate. His baptismal certificate is dated December 17, 1770, and he died in Vienna on March 26, 1827. He began work on his Fourth Piano Concerto in 1805 and completed the score early the next year. He was soloist in its first performance, a private one in March 1807 at the Vienna town house of Prince Franz Joseph von Lobkowitz (the Symphony No. 4 was introduced on the same occasion). He made his last appearance as a concerto soloist in the first public performance of this music, which was part of the famous Akademie in the Theater an der Wien on December 22, 1808, when the Fifth and Pastoral symphonies and the Choral Fantasy had their premieres along with the first hearings in Vienna of the Mass in C major and the concert aria “Ah! perfido,” not to forget one of Beethoven’s remarkable solo improvisations. The first North American performance was given on February 4, 1854, at the Boston Odeon by Robert Heller with Carl Bergmann conducting the Germania Musical Society.  The orchestra consists of flute, two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons, two horns, two trumpets, timpani, and strings. The second movement is for strings only, and the trumpets and drums make their first appearance in the finale. Emanuel Ax plays the cadenzas by Beethoven.

The history of the contredanses is complex. The sketches for nos. 8 and 12 date from 1791/92 (before Beethoven arrived in Vienna), nos. 3 and 4 from 1795-96 (the years of the publications of his Opuses 1 and 2), and nos. 2, 7, 9-11 from 1801-02.  The first edition of the complete set for orchestra dates from April-June 1802; what is presumably Beethoven’s own arrangement of six of the dances for “harpsichord or Piano Forte” appeared in April 1802. Beethoven’s brother Kaspar Karl was involved in some mysterious fashion in nos. 8 and 12; it is unclear whether he actually composed them or merely arranged his brother’s sketches. Equally unclear is the date of the premiere of the individual dances within the set, since they were composed individually over a ten-year period. Most scholars assume that the majority was intended for the popular winter balls in Vienna.

Beethoven wrote the Symphony No. 4 in the summer and early fall of 1806. As noted above, it was first performed in March 1807, in Vienna. The first performance in the United States was given on November 24, 1849, by the New York Philharmonic Society, Theodor Eisfeld conducting. The score calls for flute, two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons, two horns, two trumpets, timpani, and strings.

 

Concerto No. 4 in G major for Piano and Orchestra, Opus 58

Charles Rosen remarks in The Classical Style that “the most important fact about the concerto form is that the audience waits for the soloist to enter, and when he stops playing they wait for him to begin again.” Most of the Fourth Piano Concerto’s early listeners would have expected Beethoven to begin his new concerto as he began his previous ones and virtually all others they knew, that is, with a tutti lasting a couple of minutes and introducing several themes, after which the soloist would make a suitably prepared entrance.

Concerto is a form of theater. Beethoven, an experienced and commanding pianist, had a keen feeling for that, and his first three piano concertos (not counting the one he wrote as a boy of thirteen) and his Violin Concerto, all of which had been heard in Vienna by the spring of 1807, make something quite striking of the first solo entrance. The older Beethoven grew, the more imaginative he became. In the Triple Concerto, a beautiful, problematic, and unpopular work that was completed a couple of years before the Fourth Piano Concerto, the cello enters with the first theme, but a breath later than you expect and with a magical transformation of character. In the Violin Concerto, the solo arises spaciously from the receding orchestra; after that comes the Emperor Concerto, where right at the beginning three plain chords provoke three grand fountains of broken chords, trills, and scales. But it is here, in this most gently spoken and poetic of all his concertos, that Beethoven offers his most radical response to Rosen’s Law—to begin with the piano alone. It is a move without precedent. What is also remarkable is how rarely Beethoven, imitated so often and in so many things, has been copied in this stroke.

What the piano says is as remarkable as its saying anything at all at this point. Sir Donald Tovey recalled Sir George Henschel “happening to glance at a score of the Missa solemnis, open at its first page, putting his finger upon the first chord and saying, ‘Isn’t it extraordinary how you can recognize any single common chord scored by Beethoven?’ ” The orchestra’s exordial chord in the Emperor is an example, and so is the soft, densely voiced, dolce chord with which the piano begins the Concerto in G major. The whole brief phrase is arresting in its subtle rhythmic imbalance, but the still greater wonder is the orchestra’s hushed, sensitive and far‑seeing, harmonically remote response. The persistent three‑note upbeat makes this music tender cousin to the Fifth Symphony (in progress at the same time though completed only two years later). The rhythmic elasticity of the first solo‑and‑orchestra statement‑and-response foreshadows an uncommon range of pace.

The second movement has become the concerto’s most famous. Its comparison to Orpheus taming the wild beasts with his music was for years attributed to Liszt, though more recently the musicologist Owen Jander has pointed out that it was Adolph Bernard Marx “who first began to bring the Orpheus program of the Fourth Piano Concerto into focus” in his Beethoven biography of 1859. Even earlier than that, in his book On the Proper Performance of All of Beethoven’s Works for Piano (1842), Beethoven’s pupil Carl Czerny had suggested that “in this movement (which, like the entire concerto, belongs to the finest and most poetical of Beethoven’s creations) one cannot help thinking of an antique dramatic and tragic scene, and the player must feel with what movingly lamenting expression his solo must be played in order to contrast with the powerful and austere orchestral passages.”

In this second movement, the orchestra is loud, staccato, in stark octaves. The piano is soft, legato, songful, richly harmonized. At the end, after a truly Orphic cadenza—and Beethoven almost persuades us that he invented the trill expressly for this moment—the orchestra has learned the piano’s way. Only the cellos and basses remember their opening music, but just briefly, and their mutterings are pianissimo.

Until the conclusion of this sublime andante, this is Beethoven’s most quietly scored piano concerto. In the finale, which takes a charmingly Haydnesque, oblique approach to the question of how to resume the work after the evocative scene just played, trumpets and drums appear for the first time. Not that this movement is in any way grand; rather, it is lyrical and witty. It is also, with its two sections of violas, given to outrageously lush sounds—one more surprise in this most subtle, suggestive, and multi‑faceted of Beethoven’s concertos.

 

Twelve Contredanses for Orchestra, WoO 14

The Twelve Contredanses originated in the rustic English country dance in which the dancers were arranged face to face, “one set against another,” performing prescribed figures in two lines, a circle, or a square. Imported to the French court at the end of the 17th century, it became the most popular French dance of the 18th century, eclipsing the minuet. (The contredanse itself faded in popularity around 1840 in favor of waltzes and polkas.) Contredanses are both in triple and duple meters; according to one 19th-century description, “all that is necessary is that the strains should be in four or eight bar phrases to accompany the several movements, and every need is satisfied.”

Undoubtedly the most famous of the set is no. 7, which features a tune Beethoven used on four occasions: here, the ballet The Creatures of Prometheus, The Eroica Variations, and the Eroica Symphony. In 1980 Shin Augustinus Kojima corrected the long-held chronology, arguing that the ballet came first and that Beethoven recycled the melody and famous bass into the contredanse. The beloved tune and its bass part probably originated in Beethoven’s improvisation in April 1800 at the second of his two duels with the brilliant touring pianist Daniel Steibelt, famous for being the first composer to develop pedal markings and for the invention of the tremulando. Trying to humiliate Steibelt, Beethoven grabbed the cello part of one of Steibelt’s piano quintets from a stand, turned it upside down, and used it as the bass for an extended improvisation that resulted in the creation of the lilting tune — William Meredith, Ph.D

 

Symphony No. 4 in B‑flat major, Opus 60

Beethoven’s work on the Fifth Symphony brackets that on the Fourth. Robert Simpson discusses their relationship in his illuminating book­let on the Beethoven symphonies for the BBC Music Guides: “[The B‑flat major symphony] is highly compact, as the C minor was going to be, yet lighter in character, as if Beethoven, unsure how to release the thing that roared in his head like a caged tiger, turned his attention to less obstreperous inhabitants of his extraordinary domain. If the Eroica is like a noble stallion, the C minor and B‑flat symphonies might be thought of as belonging to the cat family, the one fierce, the other lovable, but both sharing compact suppleness of movement, a dangerous lithe economy that makes them akin, and toge­ther, different from their predecessor. The Fourth belongs to the Fifth—and ever so much as in the Stygian darkness of its introduction, abruptly obliterated by vivid light.”

It has often been observed that Beethoven’s even‑numbered symphonies and concertos tend to be more lyrical, less aggressive than their odd‑numbere­d neighbors. To Robert Schumann, the Fourth Symphony was “a slender Grecian maiden between two Nordic giants.” Beetho­ven spent the summer of 1806 at the Silesian estate in Grätz of Prince Carl von Lichnowsky, one of the most steadfast and knowledgeable of the compo­ser’s admirers during his early years in Vienna. It was through Lichnowsky that Beethoven met Count Franz von Oppersdorff, to whom he eventually dedicated the new symphony. Oppersdorff maintained an excellent orchestra, insisting that all persons employed in his household be proficient on some instrument.

As Haydn did in most of his last symphonies and as in his own first two, Beethoven begins with a slow preface, and, while the key signature does not admit it, the music is actually in B‑flat minor. The most musical of the guests at the Palais Lobkowitz in 1807 would have been more aware than most of us today of just how slowly this music moves—not so much in terms of notes per minute as in the passage of events. The harmony stands all but still, and the effect of suspended motion is underlined by the pianissimo that lasts—as Beethoven stresses four times—unbroken through the first twelve measures. Those twelve measures lead us, with exquisitely wrought suspense, back to the beginning. The five octaves of B‑flat are sounded just a bit more emphat­ically than before, but the continuation is the same, a pianissimo expansion of the note G‑flat. The effect of the G‑flat is delicately dissonant, unstable, and the first time Beethoven resolves it quite normally down a half‑step to F, the note that has the most powerful magnetic pull back toward home, to B‑flat. This time, however, Beethoven treats the G‑flat as though it were in no need of resolution and continues by submitting to its own magnetic pull in the direction of B‑natural, which, in the context of a universe whose center has been defined as B‑flat, comes across as an absolutely reckless excursion.

Beethoven finds his way back to the threshold of his proper harmonic home—not, of course, without adventure and suspense—and the first entrance of the trumpets and drums helps push the music into a quick tempo. The mate­rial is of an almost studied neutrality. The life of this ebullient allegro resides in the contrast between passages when the harmonies change slowly (as they mostly do) and others in which harmonic territory is traversed at a great rate, in the syncopations, the sudden fortissimo outbursts, and in such colorful details as the stalking half‑notes in pianissimo. The development ventures a few moments of lyric song, but most of the orchestra is impatient to get on and to get back. The task of getting back to the home key and the first theme sends Beethoven into one of his most wonderful passages, in which wit and mystery are deliciously combined.

The Adagio is an expansive, rapt song; rarely does Beethoven insist so often on the direction cantabile. Before the song begins, we hear a measure of tick­ing accompaniment in the second violins. What is characteristic of Beethoven is the refusal of that accompaniment to disappear. It remains an insistent presence and a fascinating foil to the flowing melodies. Not until the Ninth would Beethoven again write a symphony with a really slow movement.

Concerned with bringing the scherzo in step with the expanding scale of the symphony as a whole, Beethoven makes an extra trip around the scherzo­-trio‑scherzo cycle. In the finale, certain of the characters from the first move­ment reappear, newly costumed, but this last Allegro (ma non troppo) is a more relaxed kind of movement than the first (Allegro vivace).

Having begun with Schumann, we can end with some good words of his: “Yes, love [Beethoven], love him well, but never forget that he reached po­etic freedom only through long years of study, and revere his never‑ceasing moral force. Do not search for the abnormal in him, but return to the source of his creativeness. Do not illustrate his genius with the Ninth Symphony alone, no matter how great its audacity and scope, never uttered in any tongue. You can do as much with his First Symphony, or with the Greek‑like slender one in B‑flat major!”—Michael Steinberg

Michael Steinberg, the San Francisco Symphony’s program annotator from 1979 to 1999 and a contributing writer to the Symphony’s program book until his death in 2009, was one of the nation’s pre-eminent writers on music. His books are available at the Symphony Store in Davies Symphony Hall and at sfsymphony.org/store. The notes on Beethoven’s Piano Concerto No. 4  and Symphony No. 4 are copyright © San Francisco Symphony and reprinted by permission.

William Meredith, Ph.D.; Director, The Ira F. Brilliant Center for Beethoven Studies; Executive Director, The American Beethoven Society and Professor, School of Music and Dance, San Jose State University

Beethoven’s Fourths Event Page

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New CD Release Brahms’ Serenades on October 9

San Francisco, CA – September 24, 2012 – Philharmonia Baroque Orchestra announces the release of Brahms’ Serenades on October 9, the fifth disc to be released since the 2011 founding of Philharmonia Baroque Productions. Music Director Nicholas McGegan leads Philharmonia Baroque inthis disc of Brahms’ Serenades, recorded in live performances March 10 and 11, 2012 (Serenade No. 2) and February 13 and 14, 2010 (Serenade No. 1) at Berkeley’s First Congregational Church.

Click here to preorder/order or pick up a copy at all performances October 3, 5-7, 2012.

Brahms SerenadesOf the live performances in the San Francisco Chronicle critic Joshua Kosman stated that Maestro McGegan “embraced every opportunity to give the music a musky physicality – especially in the outer movements, whose rhythmic force was arresting.”

All Philharmonia Baroque Productions recordings are distributed by harmonia mundi in the U.S., U.K., Germany and Austria and are available in both standard CD and digital download formats from Amazon, iTunes and other online outlets as well as all major retailers and the Philharmonia Baroque Orchestra website, www.philharmonia.org. All five of the Philharmonia Baroque Productions recordingsare produced and engineered by David v.R. Bowles, who has produced the orchestra’s recordings since 1996.

Critical acclaim has been high for Philharmonia Baroque’s recording label with The New York Times calling the first release of Berlioz’s Les Nuits d’été “almost forbiddingly beautiful” and www.philharmonia.org proclaiming the third release of Vivaldi’s The Four Seasons “brimming with color, vitality, and imaginative interpretation.” The most recent release, Handel’s opera, Atalanta, was acclaimed by the San Francisco Chronicle as “…magnificent…the most vibrant, exhilarating stretch of musical showmanship this organization has offered in many a long season.” Named Musical America’s Ensemble of the Year in 2004, music critic Joshua Kosman said, “This adventuresome band has carved out a niche as the nation’s liveliest purveyor of period performances. The uncommon brilliance of its instrumental playing infuses the historical-performance enterprise with a vitality and zest that are worlds removed from dull conformity to the dictates of scholarship.”

Among the most-recorded period-instrument orchestras in the United States or in Europe, Philharmonia has made thirty-three highly praised recordings – including its Gramophone award-winning recording of Handel’s Susanna – for harmonia mundi, Reference Recordings and BMG. In 2011, the orchestra launched its own label, Philharmonia Baroque Productions, with an acclaimed recording of Berlioz’ Les Nuits d’été and Handel arias featuring mezzo-soprano Lorraine Hunt Lieberson. The second CD release, Haydn: Symphonies No. 104 “London”, No. 88, No. 101 “The Clock,” was nominated for a GRAMMY® Award for Best Orchestral Performance. The ensemble then went on to release a commended recording of Vivaldi violin concertos including The Four Seasons featuring violinist Elizabeth Blumenstock. These last five releases on the Philharmonia label – including the upcoming Serenades – are the first the orchestra has issued since 2007, when it self-released live recordings of Jake Heggie’s To Hell and Back and Beethoven’s Symphony No. 9.

Click here to preorder/order or pick up a copy at all performances October 3, 5-7, 2012.

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Dioclesian Program Notes

Animated Rendering of Dioclesian's "The Masque from Act V"

The Prophetess; or, The History of Dioclesian (Z. 627)
by J.J.G.Muller-van Santen

Henry Purcell (1658/9-1695) was born in London at the very end of the Commonweath period. During Oliver Cromwell’s Puritan rule public music, both sacred and secular, had been forbidden and the public theatres were closed. Purcell’s father and uncle, both musicians, must have had difficulty making ends meet. Henry was still a baby at the Restoration of the Monarchy in 1660, when Charles II came to the throne. Charles, who adored the theatre and had been in exile both at the glittering court of his uncle Louis XIV in France and that of his sister Mary (married to Stadholder Willem II) in Holland, returned to England determined to equal their musical and theatrical splendor without risking the extravagance which had cost his father the throne and eventually his head. Louis XIV helped by giving him “twenty-four violins” (that is, string players and their instruments) to take home with him; the Court Music was reinstated, the theatres reopened. Charles enthusiastically allowed women on the public stage for the first time and the elder Purcells were fully employed.

Henry Purcell inherited the family musicality and at six or seven he became one of the  Children of the Chapel Royal (wearing the same dress uniform Chapel boys wore at the 2011 royal wedding) and was given a solid musical education by teachers who played and composed music for the church, the court and the theatre. So from early childhood he was exposed to the three branches of musicianship in which he was to excel.

At twenty he succeeded his teacher John Blow as Westminster Abbey organist.  and around the same time he started composing incidental music for plays performed at the Dorset Garden Theatre, which had been built specifically for what has been called “multi-media spectaculars”. Dorset Garden or The Duke’s Theatre (becoming The Queen’s when James II succeeded his brother in 1685) was run by the actor/manager Thomas Betterton, who was involved in every aspect of the performances.

Dorset Garden had moveable perspective scenery, which slid onto and off the stage from the sides, running in grooves. “Machines” carrying people could come down from above and traps in the floor allowed devils and all kinds of objects to appear. One of the main attractions of the theatre was the rapid scene changes in full sight of the audience, as the curtain did not close during performances. The necessary ropes and capstan were manned (out of sight, presumably under the stage) by ex-sailors under the direction of a boatswain who gave his orders using a whistle. Whistling behind the scenes was strictly forbidden, for obvious reasons, and is still a serious no-no in the English theatre.

 

Purcell’s first major theatrical work was the fifty-minute chamber opera Dido and Æneas, which the latest research dates to about 1683, but is known only in the 1689 version for the Chelsea school run by Mrs. Priest, wife of the dancing master and Dorset Garden choreographer Josias Priest. The libretto was by the playwright Nahum Tate, for several of whose plays Purcell had already composed music.

Charles II died in 1685 and was succeeded by his brother James II, who was at least as enthusiastic a theatre goer and patron. He once even lent the actors his coronation robes for a play. In 1688 James was deposed in favor of his daughter Mary II and her Dutch husband William III. William spent more money on warfare than he did on music which, in contrast to his wife, he seems not to have enjoyed. John Dryden criticised him regarding the war in Ireland in his Prologue to The Prophetess; or, Dioclesian which prologue was suppressed after the first night. William’s lack of (financial) interest may have been one of the reasons why Purcell composed increasingly for the stage from 1689 on.

The Prophetess; or, Dioclesian, 1690, was the first of Purcell’s so-called ‘semi-’ or ‘dramatick’ operas, composed for Dorset Garden Theatre. Unlike the through-composed Dido and Æneas, his dramatic operas were full-length plays with spoken text, instrumental and vocal music and dance. The general structure consisted in the First and Second Music while patrons entered the theatre. The cheap seats were backless benches which sometimes collapsed under the shifting weight of the noisy crowd. This problem was sometimes utilized for dramatic purposes: if a scene change could not be effected quickly enough, someone would be stationed in the back of the hall to break a stick at the operative moment. Everybody in the audience would turn around to see who had landed on the floor and when they turned back, the scene would have changed.

For a fee, orange sellers would add a billet-doux  to the orange some gallant would send a “lady” and people were constantly going in and out. The more expensive seats were in the balcony and some boxes had lattices so nobody could see what was going on behind them. However, it could sometimes be heard, on occasion stopping the show.

The  Curtain Tune (i.e. overture: the curtain went up at the beginning and normally did not fall again until the end of the performance) was followed by a five-act play with musical interludes, the acts often ending in masques; that is, musical episodes without spoken text, which originated as English court entertainments. The masques were adorned with spectacular costumes and scenery and usually had a mythological content bearing a metaphorical relationship to the plot of the opera.

The original play, The Prophetess, was written by John Fletcher and Philip Massinger in 1623 and contained much less music. The adaptation is mainly Thomas Betterton’s and “it gratified the Expectation of Court and City” according to the prompter, John Downes.

The story is loosely based on the career of the Roman emperor Diocletian (who lived around 300 CE) and is superficially about a power struggle in ancient Rome and warfare against the Persians, but actually has the same theme as many other operas: the conflict between love and duty.

Synopsis:

Act I Numerianus, one of the three Roman emperors, has just been murdered. His brother Charinus offers co-emperorship and his sister Aurelia both a reward and marriage to whoever kills the murderer.

Drusilla, who has her eye on a rank-and-file soldier in the Roman army called Diocles, lives with her aunt Delphia, a prophetess. To balance this, Diocles has a nephew called Maximian, also a soldier. Delphia tells Diocles he will be emperor when he has killed a great boar, after which he will marry Drusilla. Diocles believes her and starts slaughtering all the wild boars he can find. Nothing else happens. After a time he realises (with a bit of help) that a soldier named Volutius Aper (Aper= wild boar in Latin) is the murderer. There is no music in this act.

Act II: Diocles leads Aper, in chains, onto the stage and kills him- hardly a heroic deed. However music, struck “from the Spheres,” shows that the Gods approve and the soloist sings Great Diocles the Boar has killed, followed by Let the Soldiers Rejoyce and Sing Io’s. Pallas Athene, goddess of war and Venus, goddess of love, share the honor, as Venus inspires “thund’ring Jove” in G major. Note that when the opera opened, William was away fighting in Ireland and Mary was ruling England alone.

Then Charon the boatman who ferries the dead across the river Styx tells the living to observe the necessary rites for ensuring that the dead Numerianus reaches the farther shore safely, in Royal C major for the dead emperor in accordance with contemporary convention. Sound all your instruments of War/Fifes, Trumpets, Timbrals play; the call to musical arms becomes a very slow Italianate Symphony for Trumpets and Violins back in G major and modulating to C for royalty again after the symphony, for the second half of the quatrain: Let all Mankind the Pleasure share/and bless this happy Day on which Diocles, who has been elected emperor by the army, will be invested. The transitions in both the music and the tripartite text on funeral-war-investiture, all within one musical event, are quite abrupt, anticipating the problems in the next scene. Purcell’s setting meticulously follows the windings of the plot.

Soloist: Let the priests with processions the hero attend; Chorus: All sing great Diocles’ story. Beautiful Princess Aurelia, the former emperor’s sister, again offers to marry the hero and Diocles, now styled Dioclesian, is eager to do so, forgetting all about Drusilla. As the marriage ceremony begins, Delphia and Drusilla are hovering unseen over the stage in Delphia’s dragon chariot (every self-respecting magician had one on the 17th-century stage). Delphia is furious and sends a monster to interrupt the proceedings. Thunder! Lightning! according to the stage directions. Everybody runs away as a Monster comes slowly downstage and metamorphoses into a Dance of Furies to Purcell’s dramatic music.

Act III

The scene shows “Hangings and figures Grotesk” painted on them, later replaced by dancers coming “off” the curtains and others replacing them there. There is a literal Chair Dance, a dance by chairs.

Aurelia is given a charm by Delphia, making her fall in love with Dioclesian’s nephew Maximian, now styled Maximinian. He has been in love with her all along, as shown in When first I saw the bright Aurelia’s eyes, a song added for a 1693 revival. Aurelia is portrayed as being very haughty in a sub-plot involving a Persian captive princess, but Maximinian’s What shall I do demonstrates that he is oblivious to this. She falls into his arms as Dioclesian enters without her recognising him. All except the bereft Dioclesian leave the stage; enter Delphia, who chides him. He promises (again) to marry Drusilla and back comes Aurelia, the spell now having worn off. She reclaims Dioclesian, he follows her away and Delphia makes threats involving the Persian army.

In Act IV Maximinian and Aurelia are captured by the Persians and Dioclesian decides this is his fault for breaking his promise to Delphia. Reconciliation. Just to show him what would have happened if he had not repented, Delphia conjures a scene with Aurelia’s tomb, which eventually turns into a Butterfly Dance, a scene borrowed almost literally from Lully’s Cadmus et Hermione. An off-stage battle follows, the prisoners are freed and Dioclesian triumphs once again. Sound Fame, who is personified blowing her trumpet; a virtuoso part for one of the famous Shore family of players.

Let all rehearse (meaning ‘repeat’ at that time) the story of our hero Dioclesian. In Act V he pardons the King of Persia, returns his crown and hands over his own to Maximinian, along with Aurelia’s hand. Dioclesian chooses love in a cottage with Drusilla. Delphia, satisfied, offers the illustrious company a closing masque, with Cupid as Master of Ceremonies.

Call the Nymphs and the Fawns (=fauns) from the woods followed by a page and a half of stage directions calling for four platforms descending and a number of orange trees (symbolising William of Orange) rising from under the stage.

The throne on the topmost stage is for Cupid.  Behold O Mightiest of Gods, at thy Command we come. Two Wood-Gods sing Ah! The sweet Delights of Love, followed by a Faun singing what is in fact the credo of the opera; Let Monarchs fight for Pow’r and Fame…Astrea’s all the World to me. Then comes another song added for the revival, the famous Since from my Dear. The singer is rudely torn from her sight, to die ambiguously; to seek oblivion too in a bottle, for in comes Bacchus. Drinking song: The Mighty Jove, followed by a dance. Several love songs and duets, include a song by Two Youths, All our Days and our Nights, which had a second stanza, Let us Dance, let us Sing, found in the word-book but not set until the 1693 revival. This pastoral interlude culminates in Be Gone, importunate Reason; in short: seize the day. The masque terminates in the final trio: Triumph, Victorious Love with its chaconne ground bass and the chorus extolling the Glory of Almighty Love.

 

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Impeccable…Evocative

You’ve never heard anything like it…Winter is simply staggering and reason enough to own this CD…Blumenstock [is] as fearless as she is accomplished…Sonics are perfect…Wow – another Four Seasons.  I mean it: Wow.

-Robert Levine, Stereophile review of Philharmonia Baroque’s new Vivaldi: Four Seasons and Violin Concertos recording (July 2012 issue).

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“Beethoven Songs & Haydn Trios” – Program Notes for June 3

Music Director Nicholas McGegan contributes these program notes for the June 3 concert that opens the Berkeley Early Music Festival.

In the years before a television took over every living room, no parlour was thought to be complete without a piano. In many households chamber music was something you made at home rather than went to hear in a concert hall, if that was even possible outside a major city.  Playing the piano, like dancing, was regarded as an essential part of a child’s upbringing, especially a young lady’s. Young men customarily learned to play the violin, flute, or cello, the latter being the most aristocratic of all.

The present Prince of Wales is the third, and probably not the best, princely cellist in his family. The Duke of Wellington’s father, the Earl of Mornington, is described as “the first member of the British aristocracy who dared to walk through the London Streets openly and unashamedly carrying a violin case.” Amateur music making was certainly an aristocratic pastime as can be seen in this cartoon of the Pic-Nic Orchestra by James Gillray, which I am lucky enough to own.

Cartoon of the Pic-Nic Orchestra by James Gillray

Cartoon of the Pic-Nic Orchestra by James Gillray

In more ordinary families, music making helped fill the hours after dinner, the daughters at the piano or singing, the father and brothers playing violin or cello. Some daughters, such as Mary Bennett in Pride and Prejudice occasionally didn’t know when to stop, provoking her father’s reproof: “That will do extremely well, child. You have delighted us long enough.”

Another Gillray engraving shows the potential hazards of such a musical evening in a house of a rather pretentious farming family. The result of all this domestic musical activity was a ready market for all kinds of chamber music:

Farmer GIles & his Wife Showing Off their Daughter Betty, by James Gillray

Farmer GIles & his Wife Showing Off their Daughter Betty, by James Gillray

piano sonatas with flute or violin, string quartets, piano trios, and song with trio accompaniment. Much of tonight’s concert is based on this type of repertoire, most of which was published in England, even though it may have been written by composers based as far away as Vienna.

In 1812 Beethoven wrote his Allegretto for piano trio expressly for Maximiliane Brentano, the daughter of some close friends. As he wrote on the manuscript: “for my little friend Maxe Brentano to encourage her with her piano-playing.” She was about ten years old at the time and must have been quite the prodigy. The manuscript is not only one of the neatest that he ever wrote (she probably played from it) but also Beethoven put fingerings in the piano part to guide young Maxe. She clearly continued her piano lessons because a decade later Beethoven dedicated his magnificent late Piano Sonata op. 109 to her. This elegant delightful trio was never published in his lifetime.

Portrait of Franz Brentano and his two daughters by Nikolaus Lauer. Maximiliane is the elder of the two.

Portrait of Franz Brentano and his two daughters by Nikolaus Lauer. Maximiliane is the elder of the two.

The first page of Beethoven’s manuscript with the dedication to Maximiliane Brentano.

The first page of Beethoven’s manuscript with the dedication to Maximiliane Brentano.

The second half of the eighteenth century saw a revival of interest in German as a language for poetry and drama. Prior to Goethe and his contemporaries, French had been the language of choice for verse, belles lettres, and even polite conversation, just as Italian was the language of opera. However, it didn’t take long for composers to start setting these lyrics to music, though the flowering of German lieder would not come until the following century. Tonight we will hear two fine lieder by Mozart, one of which is a setting of a text by Goethe. Unlike many German songs of the period (including some of Schubert’s) where each verse is set to the same music like a modern hymn, these gems are through-composed.

Frantisek Kotzwara was famous for two things for over a century: his piece The Battle of Prague and his sensational exit from this world. He most probably wrote the work for piano in 1788 while he was living in Dublin and it remained in the repertoire for over a hundred years. The actual battle was fought in 1757 between King Frederick the Great of Prussia’s army and the Austrians. The piano piece tries to give the flavour of the sound and fury of the battle, complete with booming cannons, charging cavalry and the whirring of rifle shots. In the era before cinema organs such pieces were wildly popular; indeed, in Boston it was said that no concert was considered complete without it. Many early pianos had the kind of percussion effects added to them that you will hear employed this evening.

Percussion mechanism in the Guggenberger fortepiano.

Percussion mechanism in the Guggenberger fortepiano.

Mark Twain mentions exactly this type of piano in Huckleberry Finn:

“There was a little old piano, too, that had tin pans in it, I reckon, and nothing was ever so lovely as to hear the young ladies sing ‘The Last Link is Broken’ and play ‘The Battle of Prague’ on it.”

Kotzwara’s demise was one of the most spectacular among the sometimes macabre and bizarre deaths of composers. In 1791, he visited a courtesan called Susannah Hill, offering her two shillings to emasculate him with a knife. Not surprisingly, she refused (two shillings being about the price of a good dinner back then, though I somehow doubt that money was really the issue here). He then put a rope around his neck which he tied to the doorknob. In the course of their subsequent amours he apparently died (one hopes happily) of asphyxiation.  Later that year, Miss Hill was sent for trial at the Old Bailey where she was acquitted of murder. Lurid pamphlets narrating the whole episode were widely distributed. The trial was the talk of the town and Haydn, who was in London at the time,
certainly knew about it, though he discreetly only mentions the composer’s name in his diary leaving the rest to one’s imagination. The Internet is full of discussion of Kotzwara’s demise with works ranging from the sensational to articles in medical journals. In the past few years some people have even imitated him (with fatal success), including an English Tory politician and an American movie star hoping to revive his former “glory.”

Kotzwara's death

Engraving showing Kotzwara's death

In 18th century Europe almost everything classy, with the exception of grand opera, originated in France. The works of Rameau, because of their rarified, hot-house style, had little appeal outside Paris and the Court. However a new generation of composers who started writing in the 1760’s changed all that. Influenced perhaps by the musical writings of Rousseau, the Baron Grimm and the Encyclopédistes, they rejected what they saw as the artificiality of the Ramelian manner in favour of what they called vraisemblance, or truth to nature. Gone were the opéra’s gods and goddesses, and instead on to the stage came real French men and women: Parisian hairdressers, grasping landlords, servants of every livery, country bumpkins and shepherdesses who actually worked, not the Little Bo Peep look-alikes you see in the paintings of Boucher and Fragonard.

Some of the plots were based on English novels such as Tom Jones, which was thought to be tremendously racy in Paris, or plays from the London Theatre. Composers wrote in a simpler style influenced by Italian opera buffa with tunes you could hum or sing at home. Instead of recitative, they preferred spoken dialogue. The result was opéra comique, which became the rage all over Europe and continued in the following century to be the format for the operettas of Offenbach, Johann Strauss, and Gilbert & Sullivan.

Of the first generation of these composers, the most famous is Philidor, partly because he had a second career as the best known chess player in Europe. However, Pierre-Alexandre Monsigny is certainly not a composer to be despised; indeed several of his opéras-comiques have been revived in the USA in recent years by Opera Lafayette based in Washington, DC.  The plot of Le Roi et le Fermier comes from an English play by Robert Dodsley. The song we’ll hear this evening shows off Monsigny’s gift at its finest: a simple, charming, heartfelt tune whose qualities have stood the test of time. In fact, this very song was a favourite of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, who actually performed the role of Jenny onstage in Versailles.

François-Adrien Boieldieu’s most famous work is La Dame Blanche, which is an opera based on the novels of Sir Walter Scott, an author whose books also inspired Berlioz and Donizetti. This charming song is a Barcarolle, the trademark music of Venetian gondoliers.

Illustration of François-Adrien Boieldieu by Louis Léopold Bouilly c. 1800.

Illustration of François-Adrien Boieldieu by Louis Léopold Bouilly c. 1800.

In 1790, Haydn’s patron Prince Nicholas Eszterházy died and was succeed by his less musically inclined son Anton. He disbanded his father’s orchestra and opera company. As a result, Haydn was free to travel and see the world. A timely invitation arrived in the person of Johann Peter Salamon, a violinist and composer who had a very successful concert series in London. Haydn’s music was well known there, but I suspect that he had little idea what a sensation his arrival in the British capital would cause. He was amazed by the size and bustle of London but less thrilled by the air; he wrote that the fog was so thick you could spread it on bread.

Nothing prepared him for the star treatment he received. He had been born in a tiny farming village east of Vienna, had lived much of his life working in a princely household miles from anywhere, had never seen the sea let alone been in a ship, yet now he found himself fêted by the royal family and other members of high society in the largest city in the western world. He was astonished when he was invited to enter through the front door of each grand house whereas in Vienna or the Eszterházy palaces he had always been expected to use the servants’ entrance. He wrote that at a concert “The Prince of Wales sat on my right side and played with us on his violoncello, quite tolerably…. He is the most handsome man on God’s earth; he has an extraordinary love of music and a lot of feeling, but not much money.”

Clearly, he was having the time of his life. And not only on the public stage: he was over sixty years old and his private life was enjoying an Indian summer too. He met and fell in love with Rebecca Schroeter, some twenty years his junior. She was the Scottish widow of a German pianist who had taught the Royal children, and not only was she pretty but also of independent means. Haydn kept her love letters to him and they make charming reading, though one doesn’t have to believe him when he claimed that he only kept them in order to practice his English. Later he said that he would have married her if only Mrs. Haydn hadn’t been alive and well back in Vienna.

Drawing of Dr. Haydn by George Dance.

Drawing of Dr. Haydn by George Dance.

This trio is one of a set of three that Haydn dedicated to Maria Anna, widow of Prince Anton Eszterházy, the man who had allowed him to travel in the first place, but who had died in 1794. The opening movement is a miracle of elegant wit. As usual in trios of this period, the cellist gets the least to do, apart from doubling the bass of the keyboard which was often a bit weak on early British pianos. The gentle, wistful slow movement leads directly into a boisterous finale based on Central European folk music. It was an obvious crowd pleaser and so, not long afterwards, Haydn cloned it in the famous Gypsy Rondo, the finale of a trio that he dedicated to his London inamorata Rebecca Schroeter.

The second half of this evening’s concert would not have come into being without the seemingly tireless energies of one man, Scottish amateur musician and publisher George Thomson (1757-1851).

Portrait of George Thomson by Sir Henry Raeburn.

Portrait of George Thomson by Sir Henry Raeburn.

He held a government position in Edinburgh but his real passion was for the music of his native land. He loved the songs but was horrified by what he perceived as the roughness, even indelicacy, of the texts. Through a friend he made contact with Robert Burns, whose assistance he sought in his worthy task. In his introductory letter to Burns he wrote: “For some years past, I have, with a friend or two, employed many leisure hours in collating and collecting the most favourite of our national melodies, for publication…. we are desirous to have the poetry improved wherever it seems unworthy of the music…. Some charming melodies are united to mere nonsense and doggerel, while others are accommodated with rhymes so loose and indelicate as cannot be sung in decent company…. We shall esteem your poetical assistance a particular favour, besides paying any reasonable price you shall please to demand for it.”

Burns reply was certainly all he could have wished for: “In the honest enthusiasm with which I embark in your undertaking, to talk of money, wages, fee, hire, and etc. could be downright Sodomy of Soul! A proof of each of the Songs that I compose or amend, I shall receive as a favour.”

Burns went about his work with gusto. He wrote: “You cannot imagine how much this business of composing for your publication had added to my enjoyments…. Balladmaking is now as completely my hobbyhorse, as ever Fortifications was Uncle Toby’s [Burns is referring to a character in Sterne’s novel Tristram Shandy]; so I’ll e’en canter it away till I come to the limit of my race (God grant that I may take the right side of the winning post!) and then chearfully looking back on the honest folks with whom I have been happy, I shall say, or sing, ‘Sae merry as we a’ hae been’ [a reference to a well known Scots song].”

The relationship between them was not always an easy one largely because Thomson often insisted on “improvements” which Burns had to find a way of rejecting.

Miniature Portrait of Robert Burns by Alexander Reid. 1796.

Miniature Portrait of Robert Burns by Alexander Reid. 1796.

After Burns’ death, Thomson continued to publish songs but with increasingly elaborate musical settings. For these he sought the help of the famous composers of the time, most notably Haydn and Beethoven. Thomson was a good businessman and he paid well, so not surprisingly even these great composers were willing to work for him. He also commissioned instrumental chamber music based on Scottish airs and included ones from Wales and Ireland.

Not surprisingly, Beethoven was a tough customer as can be seen when one reads the correspondence between him and Thomson. Some fifty letters survive of which Beethoven’s are in French and, for him, very neatly written. Thomson complained about the difficulty of Beethoven’s settings and Beethoven complained about the money. Here are a few examples that give the tenor of their correspondence:

On August 5, 1812, Thomson wrote to Beethoven about fifty three airs that he received:

“There is none which is not marked with the stamp of genius, science and taste… (However) in this country there is not one pianist in a hundred who can play…four notes in one hand and three in the other… Your great predecessor Haydn asked me to indicate frankly to him anything that did not please national taste in his ritornelli and accompaniments, and he willingly made changes.”

To which Beethoven replied in a huff on February 19, 1813:

“I am not accustomed to retouch my compositions…. It is your job to give me a better idea of the taste of your country and the lack of skill of your performers.”

Beethoven also complained about the fees, noting in a letter dated February 29, 1812:

“Haydn himself assured me that he received four ducats for each song.”

To which Thomson retorted that Haydn had only asked for two ducats per song but “for the last twenty songs I gave him more at my own wish, because he had composed much for me con amore and he had treated my suggestions with attention and politeness.” (December 21, 1812)

In the end Beethoven got £550 for his 126 songs while Haydn only received £291. 18s. for 230 songs.

The first group of Haydn songs is all about the sailors and the girls left behind on land. This was of course a popular theme, since this was after all the age of Nelson. The ballad “Auld Robin Gray” was especially well known and it has never lost its power to move. The tune of “O’er the Hills and far awa” will be familiar to anyone who knows The Beggars’ Opera.

“The Massacre of Glencoe” tells the sad tale of the unforgivable assassination of the Clan MacDonald by the Clan Campbell on February 13, 1692.  Beethoven gives the magnificent tune of this lament extra prominence by having the violin and cello double the singer throughout, keeping the piano part in the background. The poem is by Sir Walter Scott, who with Thomson was a tireless champion of Scottish culture.

The last group is all about love, happy or unhappy, young and old. “Oh might I but my Patrick love” and “Garyone” are Irish songs. “John Anderson, my jo, John” is one of Burns’ most touching lyrics, expressing a wife’s deep love for her husband after many years together.

Haydn not only provided introductions and postludes to his settings, he also wrote sets of variations on a number of the songs. These could either be used to vary each verse as it was sung or simply be performed without the voice part at all. “My love she’s but a lassie yet” is a fine example of the latter. Let no one think that this song is about some sonsy, Caledonian Lolita, however; Burns’ young love is really a bottle of whisky that’s not yet ready to drink!

Besides Haydn and Beethoven, Thomson also requested settings from several composers who are less well known today. Among these was Ignaz Pleyel, a friend, pupil, and sometimes rival of Haydn. In 1772, Pleyel, one of thirty-eight children (!), began his studies with Haydn and they retained a mutual admiration for each other for the rest of their lives. Both of them were in London in the 1790s and indeed had rival concert series. Nonetheless, they would dine together, attend each other’s concerts, and perform each other’s music in their own. In 1793-94, Thomson commissioned twelve piano trios from Pleyel stipulating that each had to have at least one movement based on a Scottish air. We are performing the last movement of the third trio in the set. I am lucky enough to own a first edition of these fine pieces. My own copy, which originally belonged to a Miss Isabella Stanley, exactly the type of young well-to-do pianist these works are designed for, also bears the signature of George Thomson himself.

- Nicholas McGegan

 

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